Getting Iran to capitulate is like breaking a wild horse. Anyone who’s done it — or even watched it done — knows how this goes. Calm one minute, violent the next. You get a step forward, then you lose half of it back. The horse is testing you — your patience, your resolve, your willingness to stay in the saddle when it tries to throw you.

That’s Iran.

And here’s the part the foreign policy commentariat still doesn’t get: Donald Trump actually understands this dynamic.

WHAT COMES NEXT IN THE IRAN WAR? WHAT THIS CEASEFIRE WILL AND WON'T DO

Not from theory. From instinct.

Iran is not a normal negotiating partner. It’s not even a unified one. Power is fragmented across clerics, politicians, intelligence services and, most importantly, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps — a state within a state that answers to ideology, money and survival.

And inside that system are hard-liners who don’t want a deal — period. These are people who would rather burn down the house than give up their nuclear potential, their offshore wealth and their grip on power. For them, compromise isn’t a concession. It’s extinction.

IRAN’S NUCLEAR GAMBLE LEAVES AMERICA ONE CHOICE — AND IT CAN'T BE A DEAL

So when I hear the usual noise — why the mixed signals, why the tough talk one day and restraint the next — I have to laugh. That critique assumes we’re dealing with rational, Western-style negotiators who respond to consistency and good-faith process.

We’re not.

We’re dealing with a regime that has spent 45 years perfecting delay, deception and division. Show them a straight line and they’ll run circles around it. Telegraph your endgame and they’ll stall you to death.

STEVE FORBES: IRAN’S NUCLEAR INSANITY LEAVES AMERICA AND ALLIES NO ROOM TO BLINK

What Trump is doing — whether people like his style or not — is exactly what this situation demands: pressure, pause, pressure again. Open a door, then make it very clear what happens if they try to game it. Keep them off balance. Keep them guessing.

That’s not chaos. That’s leverage.

And here’s where the leverage really comes from — and it’s something most analysts either miss or are too uncomfortable to say out loud.

AMB GORDON SONDLAND: NATO BLINKED ON IRAN, AND TRUMP HAS EVERY RIGHT TO BE FURIOUS

The leverage is the overwhelming military capability that’s been assembled — and the very clear willingness to use it if the horse needs a severe correction.

Not as bluster. Not as background noise. As a credible, ever-present option.

Tehran understands that when push comes to shove, this isn’t an academic exercise. The same apparatus that can impose sanctions can also impose consequences — rapidly and decisively — against leadership targets, command structures and critical infrastructure if the regime crosses the line or continues to play rope-a-dope.

ROBERT MAGINNIS: WHY ISLAMABAD TALKS WERE ALWAYS DOOMED TO FAIL

That reality changes behavior.

It forces calculations inside a regime that has historically believed it could outlast, outmaneuver or simply exhaust Western resolve. It introduces doubt where there used to be confidence. It sharpens the internal debate between those who want to test limits and those who understand the cost of getting it wrong.

This is, at its core, a test of wills and power, carried out to its logical conclusion.

WHY TRUMP, IRAN SEEM LIGHT-YEARS APART ON ANY POSSIBLE DEAL TO END THE WAR

Most leaders don’t understand that. They look for an off-ramp too early. They prioritize optics over outcomes. They confuse activity with achievement.

Trump doesn’t.

He understands that if you ease off before the dynamic shifts, you don’t get a better deal — you get played. He understands that credibility isn’t built on statements; it’s built on a demonstrated willingness to act. And he understands that regimes like Iran only recalibrate when the alternative becomes unacceptable.

MORNING GLORY: THE US-IRAN NEGOTIATIONS IN ISLAMABAD BECAME REYKJAVÍK 2.0

That’s what’s happening now.

And yes, it makes people uneasy.

Turn on the TV and it’s a minute-by-minute panic cycle. Gas prices tick up — breaking news. Some leak hits the wires — six hours of speculation. Who said what at 9 a.m. versus 3 p.m. — treated like it’s dispositive.

NO RETREAT AT HORMUZ — IRAN MUST NOT CONTROL THE WORLD’S ENERGY LIFELINE

It’s noise.

This is not a daily trading strategy. This is a generational geopolitical play.

The upside, if we get this right, is enormous. A truly non-nuclear Iran changes the entire equation in the Middle East. It removes the single biggest destabilizing force in the region.

PAKISTANI GENERAL SAYS IRAN DIPLOMACY STILL 'ALIVE, DESPITE US BLOCKADE, FAILED TALKS

Imagine a world where Iran is not shooting at Israel, not funding proxy militias across multiple theaters and not sitting on the threshold of a nuclear weapon. Even if the regime remains clerical, its ability to wreak havoc is dramatically reduced.

That opens the door to something real — trade, investment, normalization. Stronger economic ties between Israel, the Gulf states, the United States and beyond. Capital flows instead of capital flight. Stability instead of constant brinkmanship.

That’s what’s on the table.

STEVE FORBES: NO MORE DELUSIONS — AMERICA HAS TO FINISH THE JOB IN IRAN

Now look at Europe.

The Europeans, predictably, want to make the campaign contribution after the candidate has already won the election. They’ll criticize the tone, question the tactics and keep one foot in and one foot out — until the outcome is clear.

Then they’ll show up and declare themselves indispensable.

TRUMP PUSHED IRAN TO THE BRINK — BUT DID WE WIN ANYTHING THAT LASTS?

We’ve seen this movie before.

The reality is that without sustained American pressure — economic and military — there is no deal worth having. None. Iran has no incentive to move unless it believes the alternative is materially worse.

That’s what Trump has restored: credibility.

MORNING GLORY: PRESIDENT TRUMP LEADS THE WEST TO A BIG WIN AGAINST IRAN

And credibility is everything in this kind of negotiation.

What’s required now is discipline. Not second-guessing every tactical move. Not flinching every time there’s volatility. Certainly not pulling back just because the process looks messy.

Of course it’s messy. It’s supposed to be.

ONE MONTH AT WAR WITH IRAN — CAN WASHINGTON DEFINE VICTORY?

Breaking a horse is messy. Push too hard and you get thrown. Ease off too soon and you lose control. The key is staying on long enough for the dynamic to change.

That’s what’s happening here.

The pressure is real. Iran’s economy is under strain. Its currency has taken repeated hits. Public dissatisfaction is not theoretical — it’s visible. And inside the regime, the debate over how far they can push — and how much they can take — is intensifying.

NOT BLUFFING: STEPHEN MILLER SAYS TRUMP IS DIRECTLY INVOLVED, 'HOLDS ALL THE CARDS' IN IRAN NEGOTIATIONS

That’s progress.

Not a signing ceremony. Not a neat press release. Pressure.

So let’s take a breath.

WHY TRUMP FACES AN AGONIZING DECISION ON OBLITERATING IRAN’S OIL SUPPLY IF HE CAN’T GET A DEAL

Stop obsessing over hourly gas prices. Stop parsing every headline like it’s the final chapter. This is a long game, and it’s being played at a level that requires patience and nerve.

The stakes are enormous. A neutered, non-nuclear Iran removes the last major obstacle to a more stable, more prosperous Middle East — one where trade, not terror, defines its relationships.

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You don’t get there with process. You get there with pressure.

And for all the noise, that’s exactly what Trump is delivering.

He’s staying in the saddle.

And that’s how you break the horse.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM GORDON SONDLAND

Two men recently attempted to carry out an alleged terrorist attack in New York City, an attack that, according to investigators, was intended to kill as many as 60 people. Details are still unfolding, but the intent appears unmistakable: mass casualties and maximum fear.

For many New Yorkers, the immediate question wasn’t just how the plot was stopped. It was how the city’s new leadership would respond — specifically, how Mayor Zohran Mamdani would react. The answer was not encouraging, and it’s not a reassuring sign for the next four years.

After the 9/11 attacks, the city faced profound uncertainty. I was here then, working as a cop in Manhattan. No one knew what would come next or whether the city could recover. We initially didn’t even know who had attacked us.

SUSPECT IN NYC TERROR PROBE PLANNED ATTACK 'BIGGER THAN THE BOSTON MARATHON BOMBING,' PROSECUTORS SAY

What steadied New York was leadership. Mayor Rudy Giuliani projected calm and resolve, offering reassurance when it was needed most. Just as critical was the role of the NYPD, which secured Lower Manhattan, restored order and helped normalize life. There was no prolonged military presence. The police handled it.

What followed was a remarkable recovery. Under Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly, crime fell to historic lows, tourism surged and neighborhoods flourished. It worked so well that, over the ensuing years, many came to believe terrorism was no longer an immediate threat. In the Intelligence Bureau, where I served, we had a saying: "The further we get from 9/11, the closer we get to 9/10."

Now, as we approach the 25th anniversary of 9/11 and with global tensions rising — including conflict involving Iran — New York once again faces that reality. And once again, it has been the NYPD that stepped forward. When the two suspects allegedly attempted to deploy improvised explosive devices, it wasn’t rhetoric that stopped them. It was police work — officers pursuing and tackling a fleeing suspect in real time.

NEW YORK'S MAYOR MAMDANI PROMISED CHANGE — NOW HE’S GUTTING THE NYPD

The response from city hall, however, was less inspiring. Mamdani appeared to pivot quickly to a favored political narrative, initially focusing on "White supremacy" before grudgingly admitting the terrorist attack. It is telling that the mayor’s and other city leaders’ reflex was to immediately focus on the idiotic — but peaceful — demonstration the terrorists were targeting rather than two allegedly ISIS-inspired perpetrators.

Compounding that concern was a highly publicized Ramadan event at Gracie Mansion featuring Mahmoud Khalil, who was previously taken into federal custody following his involvement in disruptive protests at Columbia University. 

The optics were hard to miss, particularly coming on the heels of a near mass-casualty attack. Khalil, facing deportation for campus activism, is the hero. The police, who just days earlier apprehended two terrorists, are not. None of the cops involved got their Gracie Mansion moment.

DAVID MARCUS: THE MORE AMERICA GIVES MAMDANI, KHALIL AND THE MAD BOMBERS, THE MORE THEY HATE US

Mamdani represents a younger generation that did not experience 9/11 in the same formative way. For many New Yorkers, that day still defines how seriously threats are taken. Yet the mayor’s dogged ideological posture — particularly his embrace of "collectivist" themes — suggests a naive worldview that risks prioritizing theory over hard-earned lessons. In short, when it comes to public safety, he does not appear to be learning.

At a time when New York is still recovering from COVID-19, that carries real-world consequences. Financial warning signs are already visible, with three different rating agencies raising concerns about the city’s fiscal outlook by downgrading New York’s bond rating.

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New York’s history makes one point clear: Everything begins with public safety. Investment, tourism, the economy and quality of life, all depend on it — and on a supported NYPD. There was a time when Wall Street could be counted on to drag us out of the doldrums. But in a remote worker economy, that cushion is gone.

So, at the 100-day mark of Mamdani’s administration, residents here — and indeed, in many blue cities around the country — are forced to consider: do we have leadership that is up to handling crisis?

Based on what we’ve seen so far in New York, the answer is far from reassuring.

CLICK HERE FOR MORE FROM PAUL MAURO

Trick Williams has been one of WWE’s biggest rising stars since he was elevated to the main roster earlier this year.

Williams’ presentation – from his mink coat to his "lemon-pepper steppers" to his entrance music – has been able to capture pro wrestling fans’ attention for all the right reasons. He was able to earn his way into the United States Championship picture and will be going up against Sami Zayn for the title at WrestleMania 42 on Sunday.

CLICK HERE FOR MORE SPORTS COVERAGE ON FOXNEWS.COM

It will be Williams’ debut at WrestleMania, but he’s feeling at ease going into the match.

"I’m feeling good man, I’m on cloud nine," he told Fox News Digital. "My family is coming to see me at my first WrestleMania. I’m facing Sami Zayn – the ‘gingerbread man.’

"It’s personal. No disrespect to Sami Zayn, a lotta disrespect, but no disrespect because he’s great in his own right. He’s definitely a future Hall of Famer, multiple championship runs and everything like that. But on Sunday night, Night 2, all that goes out the window. It’s Trick Willy time."

WWE STAR DANHAUSEN SAYS METS 'CURSE' ISN'T EXACTLY LIFTED AS TEAM DROPS NINTH STRAIGHT GAME

Williams said that his quick trajectory on the SmackDown roster and his appetite to be the best is why he has the edge going into the match.

"I’m hungry," he said. "I haven’t been here before. Sami’s done this for a very, very long time. He still has things he wants to accomplish. But look, I’m hungrier than ever. I’ve fought my way to get into this position.

"They’re saying, ‘Oh this is a five-year thing for Trick, he ain’t that experienced.’ No, this is a 31-year thing. I’ve been training my whole life for this moment right here, for everybody to see on Sunday night. He doesn’t want it the way I want it. Everybody’s gonna see that."

Zayn is one of the best pro wrestlers in the industry. While the crowd has turned on him in recent weeks, Zayn may be the favorite going into the match because he’s a veteran in the game.

WrestleMania Night 2 is set for Las Vegas at Allegiant Stadium at 6 p.m. ET.

President Donald Trump publicly thanked what he called Pakistan’s "great prime minister and field marshal, two fantastic people!!!" in a Truth Social post Friday praising Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Pakistan’s military chief, Asim Munir.

Sharif quickly responded on X, "On behalf of the people of Pakistan, Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, and on my behalf, I express my deep and profound appreciation for your kind and gracious words."

The public exchange capped a remarkable rise for Munir, who has become one of the few foreign officials trusted both by Trump and by Iran’s security establishment.

TRUMP AGREES TO 2-WEEK CEASEFIRE IF IRAN OPENS STRAIT OF HORMUZ

Munir recently became the first foreign military leader to visit Iran since the latest escalation between the United States and Iran, according to Pakistani and Iranian reports. Arriving in full military uniform, he was warmly greeted by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and held meetings with senior Iranian military officials.

Retired Pakistani Gen. Ahmed Saeed told Fox News Digital that Munir has for months served as an informal back channel between Washington and Tehran, Iran, as the Trump administration tries to negotiate an end to the conflict, Iran’s nuclear program and the naval blockade in the Persian Gulf.

Few foreign figures appear to have closer ties both to Trump and to Iran’s military hierarchy.

That has raised a striking question: How did the same man become close both to Trump and to some of Iran’s most powerful commanders?

Saeed, who said he has known Munir personally for years, told Fox News Digital that Munir began building ties with Iran while serving as Pakistan’s director general of military intelligence in 2016 and 2017.

"He has been interacting with the leadership. He has been interacting with the intelligence community. He has been interacting with the IRGC," or the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Saeed said.

According to Saeed, Munir built ties not only with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps but also with Iran’s regular army and intelligence apparatus. Saeed said Munir had longstanding contact with former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, who was killed in a U.S. strike in 2020, commander Hossein Salami, who was killed in an Israeli strike in June 2025, and other Iranian military figures.

JD VANCE SAYS THE BALL IS 'IN IRAN’S COURT' AFTER PAKISTAN PEACE TALKS STALL

"He continues to be a figure internationally who has personal interactions, a personal equation in the intelligence community in Iran, in the military hierarchy in Iran, in the diplomatic corps of Iran and also on the side of the political leadership," Saeed said.

That longstanding relationship appears to explain why Iran welcomed him so warmly, even as he remains in direct contact with Trump and his team.

Foundation for Defense of Democracies' Bill Roggio told Fox News Digital that, "Trump should not trust the Pakistanis. Pakistan was a perfidious ‘ally’ in Afghanistan, backing the Taliban while pretending to be our friends. Munir’s ties to the IRGC should be a massive red flag for the Trump admin."

Munir’s relationship with Trump dates back to the India–Pakistan crisis of May 2025. Munir played a key role in helping de-escalate the confrontation, and afterward Pakistan formally nominated Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, a move widely viewed by Pakistani analysts as encouraged by Munir.

Since then, Trump repeatedly has praised him. Trump has called Munir an "exceptional man," a "great fighter" and "my favorite field marshal." 

Pakistani officials and media reports say the two men now speak directly.

Pakistani analyst Raza Rumi told Fox News Digital that Munir’s appeal to Trump is not surprising.

"Trump has long shown a preference for strong, decisive leaders," Rumi said. "Munir fits that mold as a centralized authority figure who can deliver outcomes."

WHY TRUMP, IRAN SEEM LIGHT-YEARS APART ON ANY POSSIBLE DEAL TO END THE WAR

Rumi described Munir as "a disciplined, institution-first leader with a strong emphasis on order, hierarchy and strategic clarity."

"Unlike more publicly charismatic military figures, his style is relatively understated, shaped by intelligence work and operational experience rather than overt political signaling," Rumi said.

Munir’s background helps explain both his style and his influence.

Munir studied at the Fuji School in Japan, the Command and Staff College in Quetta, the Malaysian Armed Forces College in Kuala Lumpur, and Pakistan’s National Defence University, where he earned an master of philosophy degree n public policy and strategic security management, according to Pakistan’s Geo News. Munir was the first army chief in Pakistan to receive the Sword of Honour, the military’s highest distinction for a cadet. The outlet also described him as an avid reader, traveler and sportsman.

Munir is also a Hafiz-e-Quran, meaning he has memorized the entire Quran by heart.

A former head of both Pakistan’s Military Intelligence and Inter-Services Intelligence agencies, Munir spent years overseeing Pakistan’s most sensitive regional relationships, including with Iran, Afghanistan and India.

TRUMP AGREES TO 2-WEEK CEASEFIRE IF IRAN OPENS STRAIT OF HORMUZ

In 2025, after the India-Pakistan crisis, he was elevated to field marshal, the first Pakistani officer to hold the rank since former military ruler Ayub Khan.

Pakistani officials say that later that year, he also was given the newly created title of chief of defense forces, further cementing his authority above the country’s military branches.

Munir rarely gives interviews, but his speeches offer clues to his worldview.

WHO ACTUALLY RUNS IRAN RIGHT NOW? THE KEY POWER PLAYERS AS TRUMP CLAIMS TALKS TO 'TOP' OFFICIAL

At the Margalla Dialogue in Islamabad in November 2024, he warned that "absence of proper regulations for freedom of expression is leading to the deterioration of moral values in societies worldwide."

The remark reflected a broader emphasis on order, discipline and centralized authority.

Rumi said Munir operates from "a transactional, state-centric worldview rather than an ideological one."

Yet critics argue that his rise has come at a cost to Pakistan’s democracy.

After becoming army chief in 2022, Munir focused heavily on domestic politics, including what critics described as a crackdown on political opposition and an unprecedented concentration of military power, according to The Guardian, which reported that key negotiations with the United States and Iran have been coordinated not from Islamabad, Pakistan’s civilian capital, but from Rawalpindi, the headquarters of the military.

Critics say that reflects a broader reality: Pakistan’s foreign policy is increasingly being run by the army rather than the elected government.

Rumi said Munir’s rise reflects "the military increasingly eclipsing civilian leadership in Pakistan."

As the current negotiations continue, much appears to rest on Munir. Saeed said that is because Munir has spent years building trust on both sides and is unlikely to stop now.

"Knowing our field marshal, and from my own personal knowledge of him, he is relentless. He would not give up," Saeed said.

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After leading the effort to force the resignation of former Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif., one House Republican has her sights set on another target.

"I'm very confident that the votes to expel Sheila [Cherfilus-McCormick] are there," Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., told Fox News Digital in an interview, referring to Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, D-Fla, who could face an expulsion vote as early as next week.

It takes a two-thirds majority to expel a member of Congress, and Luna said she has been contacted privately by both Republicans and Democrats who plan to vote to remove the embattled Florida Democrat.

"Democrats have voiced their frustrations with her and have stated that they will vote to expel her as well," Luna said.

SWALWELL ANNOUNCES RESIGNATION FROM CONGRESS AFTER SEXUAL MISCONDUCT ALLEGATIONS TORPEDOED GUBERNATORIAL BID

House Democratic leadership has not yet weighed in on Cherfilus-McCormick’s fate, but a growing number of the Democratic caucus, from moderates to progressives, have backed her ouster.

The momentum for expulsion comes after a House ethics subcommittee found Cherfilus-McCormick guilty of more than two dozen ethics violations in March, including allegations related to stealing millions of disaster relief funds to finance her congressional run. She is also facing a separate federal criminal indictment that could result in more than 53 years in prison if convicted.

Rep. Greg Steube, R-Fla., is expected to introduce a resolution to expel Cherfilus-McCormick after the House Ethics Committee issues its recommended sanction next week.

Still, Cherfilus-McCormick told Fox News Digital on Tuesday that she would not resign despite the threat of removal. 

"This is not the time to abandon the district, not when they too are fighting for their future," said Cherfilus-McCormick, who is running for reelection.

Not every lawmaker, however, has been willing to risk the prospect of expulsion, which has only happened a handful of times in U.S. history.

Luna on Tuesday threatened to introduce a motion expelling Swalwell if he did not resign. Swalwell ultimately chose to quit on his own terms rather than face a rare chamber-wide expulsion vote. 

"I was ready to make that expulsion. I had it ready to go," Luna said. "And then his office contacted my office and let me know that his resignation would be coming in a few minutes before the deadline was for the expulsion [motion]."

Five women, including one former staffer, have so far accused Swalwell of sexual misconduct and rape. The California Democrat has denied any criminal wrongdoing and his attorney has vowed to vigorously contest the allegations.

ERIC SWALWELL WAS CABLE NEWS STAR FOR YEARS BEFORE RAPID FALL FROM GRACE

Members of Congress have traditionally been reluctant to pursue expulsion against colleagues who have not been criminally charged or found by the House Ethics Committee to have committed misconduct, but Luna argued that the serious allegations against Swalwell required a more aggressive approach. 

"His resignation, obviously, was something that had to be done," Luna said. "It was non-negotiable."

Luna also sharply criticized an atmosphere on Capitol Hill that she argued turned a blind eye to Swalwell’s alleged misconduct.

"From what we were hearing on the Hill, this was behavior that was known about for a while. But no one came forward to officially report it," Luna said, calling the silence "disturbing."

Luna predicted that additional sexual misconduct allegations would be made against Swalwell and said she turned over unreported information about Swalwell’s conduct to the FBI.

She also supported the expulsion of former Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-Texas, who resigned from the House on Tuesday to fend off a looming removal vote.

"I guess I took it on myself to act specifically in these cases because I got really frustrated. I’m up here to serve my constituents," Luna said. "There’s a lot of people that are up here to do good on behalf of their districts, to actually make real change."

"And when you are associated with and you accept people's behavior that is unethical and immoral and illegal, it's a poor reflection, not just on the institution, but it also taints the waters for everyone that serves with these people," she continued.

The critics erupted again the moment President Trump ordered a naval blockade, cutting off oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz that Iran has been controlling access to. Brinkmanship, they said. Dangerous escalation. These are the same critics who condemned the war from day one. But here is the truth they keep avoiding: the United States, Europe, the Gulf states and Israel have all been in a shadow war with Iran for decades. Every administration before this one too often chose to manage the threat rather than resolve it. Sanctions here, a diplomatic communiqué there, a weak JCPOA that kicked the can down the road. The regime did not moderate. It never was going to.

The Islamabad talks did not fail because of a trust deficit, a phrase analysts deploy to suggest the problem is one of communication rather than intention. Enemies do not trust each other. That is the definition of the situation, not an obstacle to overcome. The talks failed because Iran believes it is winning. Despite the extraordinary achievements of the United States and Israel, which significantly degraded Iran's nuclear program and dismantled key elements of its leadership and military infrastructure, the regime has not broken. You cannot fully defeat an enemy willing to burn the house down around itself.

Following those devastating strikes, one Iranian analyst, Nasser Torabi, declared on state television: "We have now entered a new stage in the history of Iran as an international superpower, and we will be recognized as a global superpower." Iran came to those talks not to make peace but to press its advantage. It seized the Strait of Hormuz as its most powerful weapon, betting that cheap drones, proxy networks and control of 20 percent of the world's oil supply gave it enough leverage to outlast a president it believes is watching the midterms. It rejected zero enrichment on Iranian soil and refused to relinquish control of the world's most critical waterway. The two sides were not close.

TRUMP DETAILS SWEEPING 'ALL OR NOTHING' BLOCKADE OF STRAIT OF HORMUZ AFTER FAILED IRAN TALKS

President Trump did not arrive here without exhausting every alternative. A personal letter to the supreme leader. Four rounds of Oman-mediated talks. Back channels through Pakistan and Egypt. Extended deadlines. Muscat, Rome, Geneva, Islamabad. Iran made clear at every stage that it would not concede diplomatically what it believed could not be taken from it militarily. Diplomacy without leverage is a wish. President Trump applied both.

The blockade is the logical next step between failed talks and resumed strikes. Some say it will be difficult to sustain. That is an argument for execution, not retreat, because the alternative is worse. Some say Iran has asymmetric tools and the risks are real. True. Does that mean the most powerful military force on the planet, fighting alongside a stalwart ally in Israel, should stand down? Are we so weakened in our thinking that we cower from every hard option because hard options carry risk?

Europe deserves particular mention. European governments have opposed escalation, declined to join the blockade and offered defensive escort missions instead. That protects individual ships. It leaves Iran in possession of the Hormuz card, free to play it again at will. Applying a bandage and squeezing saline at a wound that requires surgery does not make you a peacemaker. It makes you part of the problem.

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This is a game of chicken and a test of endurance. Iran is betting on President Trump's impatience. They do not know the man I know. I worked alongside him for 23 years. He does not walk away from a mission he believes in because a poll moves, a journalist writes a hostile column or a handful of supposed MAGA influencers cry foul. He moves forward. To do what is right. To do what is necessary. To protect what is worth protecting.

The two issues that broke the talks in Islamabad are binary. Either Iran enriches uranium on its soil or it does not. Either the Strait is open and uncontrolled or it is not. One side will have to win.

My assessment is that it will be President Trump's side. Not because the path is easy, and we should not pretend otherwise. But because the alternative is unacceptable. And because Donald Trump is one tenacious, iron-willed negotiator who does not know the meaning of the word quit.

Stop calling this brinkmanship. Call it what it is: the only play left. What plan achieves denuclearization without pressure? The pressure is the point. The discomfort is the point. None of this is easy. War never is. But the only thing harder than solving this problem now is explaining to the next generation why we chose to let it grow.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM JASON GREENBLATT