Argentina’s cache of declassified files tracking Nazi criminals who fled to South America after World War II offers new insight into how the country handled war criminals living or suspected to be there, including Adolf Eichmann and Walter Kutschmann.

They show Argentina’s shifting attitude toward Nazi criminals — from sluggish responses to efforts to prevent foreign intelligence operations on its soil, such as the 1960 Mossad abduction of Adolf Eichmann to how others were never caught, vanished or died without ever facing justice.

Kutschmann was an SS and Gestapo officer based in the Lviv (Lwów) region of Poland. He played a direct role in the killings of more than 1,500 Polish Jews, intellectuals and civilians. He is also implicated in the mass murders carried out by the Einsatzgruppen in regions that are now part of Ukraine.

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Witness accounts describe Kutschmann publicly shooting an 18-year-old Jewish maid in the head after accusing her of transmitting a venereal disease after allegedly raping her.

The published Argentine files reveal a detailed paper trail of intelligence gathering, diplomatic communications and survivor advocacy surrounding Walter Kutschmann, who entered Argentina pretending to be a monk and lived in the country openly for decades under the alias Pedro Ricardo Olmo. He eventually became a naturalized Argentinian citizen under his false name.

A large portion of the dossier focuses on communications from 1975 when survivor groups and foreign authorities intensified efforts to locate Nazi fugitives. A telegram sent in July 1975, from Jewish survivor organizations, warned officials, including Argentina’s then-president, Isabel de Perón, that Kutschmann was living in the country and was wanted by West German judicial authorities.

The message emphasized that survivors viewed his continued freedom as deeply troubling, especially given Argentina’s reputation as a refuge for many displaced persons after the war. The telegram made specific and public allegations that he entered Argentina under a false identity and had concealed his Nazi past when obtaining citizenship. Given Argentina’s sensitivities after several embarrassing cases were publicized, it appeared to have troubled authorities, who feared further poor publicity over its lax policing standards.

The telegram sent to Argentina's minister of the interior from the president of the Jewish Association of the Survivors of Nazi Persecution in July 1975, noted in part that the association wanted to "inform him that residing in Argentina for many years is the naturalized Argentine citizen Pedro Ricardo Olmo y Olmos, alias the Nazi criminal Walter Kutschmann, former second lieutenant of the Hitlerite SS security troops, who is wanted by the judicial authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany."

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It continued, "For us, survivors of the Nazi massacre who have managed to save ourselves and reach this generous land, it causes anguish that a Nazi criminal can move freely in our country."

The telegram sent from José Moskovits added, "We respectfully request that the Minister adopt the necessary measures in the case against the said Kutschmann, who entered the country under a false name and committed perjury in obtaining Argentine citizenship, concealing his extremely serious background."

Following the new revelations, surveillance of Kutschmann received more attention from the authorities.

Multiple documents marked "Strictly Confidential" and "Very Urgent" show Argentina’s sense of urgency and discretion, including memoranda and requests from the Department of Registration and Reports in July 1975 seeking expedited background checks on "Pedro Ricardo Olmo/Walter Kutschmann."

File records reported "no prior criminal or intelligence record" for Olmo, highlighting the difficulty authorities faced linking his Argentine identity to his wartime history. Radiograms and foreign intelligence translations included in the file indicate coordination with Interpol and West German intelligence agencies, including potential extradition issues and attempts to confirm whether the individual living in Argentina was the same person wanted in Europe.

Still, similarly to other botched cases, such as the search for Josef Mengele or Martin Bormann, authorities at times relied heavily on press clippings instead of carrying out more proactive investigations.

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As public interest grew, Gente magazine, exploited a 1975 lead on Kutschmann, leading to a brief interaction and photographs of him (and of his Argentine wife, Geralda Baeumler, a veterinarian of German origins, later accused by animal welfare organizations of experimenting on and euthanizing dogs in gas chambers) in Miramar, a town in the south of Buenos Aires province.

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Multiple exchanges with Interpol establish that Olmo and Kutschmann were, in fact, the same person, leading to an Interpol arrest warrant and a West German extradition request. However, the public noise spooked Kutschmann, who managed to evade capture for another decade. During this time, the Argentine documents show a reversal to the old paper-trail, press-clipping reaction and red-tape.

Throughout a 10-year period, authorities received further information about Kutschmann’s whereabouts from both private and public sources, including renowned Nazi-hunter Simon Wiesenthal and the Anti-Defamation League, among others. A second extradition request in 1985 ultimately led to Kutschmann’s arrest in the Greater Buenos Aires region.

Kutschmann could have been the first Nazi fugitive handed over for international justice by Argentina. However, while his extradition case was being examined, he remained interned in a local hospital due to his ill-health, and in 1986, died of a heart attack before being handed to West Germany for trial and prosecution.

Eichmann was a senior Nazi official and described by The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum as "one of the most pivotal actors in the implementation of the ‘Final Solution.’" He oversaw mass deportations and the structuring of death and concentration camps, turning the genocide of Jews into an industrialized process without parallel in history.

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After the war, Eichmann escaped to Argentina using ratlines and a false identity. He established himself north of Buenos Aires under the alias Ricardo Klement and lived in a ranch with his family, who kept using the Eichmann surname. He also worked for various German companies, including Mercedes-Benz, and was helped by other German nationals who either knew his true identity or were Nazi sympathizers.

The declassified files show intelligence agencies were unofficially aware of his location since the early 1950s, contradicting later claims that local authorities only learned about his presence after his abduction by the Mossad in 1960.

Most of the dossier on Eichmann relies on indirect witnesses who had heard of people talking about him rather than speaking directly to him.

In 1960, in a daring operation carried out by Israel's Mossad, agents secretively abducted Eichmann from Argentine soil and flew him to stand trial in Jerusalem, where he was ultimately sentenced to death in 1961 after being found guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. He was executed in 1962. His body was cremated, and the remains were scattered in the sea outside Israeli territorial waters.

The declassified files and press reports suggest the Argentine president at the time, Arturo Frondizi, was enraged and embarrassed by what he deemed a violation of Argentina’s sovereignty by Israel. The country protested Israel’s actions at the United Nations and severed diplomatic relations with the Jewish state.

Extensive inquiries in the dossier seek to clarify how Israeli intelligence could have carried out such an operation in Argentina without being detected. The files reveal internal fractures in Argentine security mostly due to extreme bureaucracy and a lack of communication between agencies even including the office of the president.

The files show the case served to establish a new internal security doctrine that avoided public scandal, prevented unilateral operation of foreign agencies in the country and retained tight control of immigration records.

The embarrassment of the Eichmann affair lasted well into the late 1970s, with agencies constantly clipping press articles about how the country was being depicted abroad. It also shaped how Argentina would later handle the case of other Nazi criminals.

As Americans grapple with yet another mass shooting perpetrated by a transgender individual, a broader national debate is unfolding over whether warning signs are being ignored and whether institutions charged with preventing violence are falling short. 

A retired FBI agent says years of behavioral threat assessments reveal a troubling constant: in case after case, there was a point where someone could have stepped in — but the system failed to act.

The Rhode Island shooting has also fueled fresh debate over violent crime and gender identity, with several high-profile commentators questioning whether a pattern is emerging.

"Why are there so many violent trans shooters, and is #BigPharma fueling the violence?" Fox News host Rachel Campos-Duffy asked on X, framing her question around whether federal health officials are adequately studying mental health treatment, pharmaceutical use and hormone therapy in cases involving transgender suspects.

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Campos-Duffy said she pressed Calley Means and the Department of Health and Human Services on what research, if any, is being conducted and what policies could be implemented "to find answers and end the carnage."

Radio host Clay Travis similarly cited several recent attacks and argued the "trans violence rate is off the charts."

2018 – Aberdeen, Maryland
Snochia Mosley, a transgender man, killed three co-workers at a Rite Aid distribution center before dying by suicide, authorities said.

2019 – Highlands Ranch, Colorado (STEM School Highlands Ranch)
Alec McKinney, a transgender student, and Devon Erickson carried out a school shooting that left one student dead and eight injured. McKinney told investigators bullying over gender identity was a factor.

2022 – Colorado Springs, Colorado
Anderson Lee Aldrich, who authorities said identified as nonbinary, opened fire inside a LGBTQ+ nightclub, killing five people. 

2023 – Nashville, Tennessee (Covenant School)
Audrey Hale, who police identified as a transgender man, killed six people, including three children. 

2025 – Minneapolis, Minnesota (Annunciation Catholic Church)
Robin Westman, who authorities said identified as a transgender, killed two children during a church service before dying by suicide. 

2026 – Tumbler Ridge, British Columbia
Jesse Van Rootselaar, who police say identified as trans, allegedly killed eight people, including five students and one teacher, before dying from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. 

2026 – Pawtucket, Rhode Island
Robert Dorgan, who police say identified as a transgender, also known as Roberta Esposito, killed three people, including family members, before taking his own life. 

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Advocacy groups strongly reject claims that transgender identity is linked to mass violence.

GLAAD says there is "no evidence of escalating violence committed by LGBTQ people," citing Gun Violence Archive data showing that of 5,748 mass shootings recorded between January 1, 2013 and September 15, 2025, five confirmed perpetrators were transgender — representing less than 0.1% of incidents.

"Accusing people from a small and vulnerable community of mass shooting crimes is an effort to further dehumanize, demonize and promote fear about transgender and nonbinary people," the organization states.

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Retired FBI agent Jason Pack cautioned against framing recent acts of violence through a political or demographic lens, instead urging a focus on systemic breakdowns in intervention.

"Whatever your views on gender identity, and Americans hold strong, sincere views on all sides of this, I think most people agree that every human being in crisis deserves intervention before tragedy strikes," Pack said.

From a law enforcement standpoint, he stressed that identity alone is not what threat assessment teams evaluate.

"Law enforcement and behavioral threat assessments don’t look at groups by identity alone. They never have. What they look at is individual behavior, individual history, individual warning signs," he explained.

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According to Pack, investigators often uncover missed opportunities for intervention: warning comments that went unreported, mental health contacts that weren’t followed up, family members unsure where to turn, or school flags that stalled inside bureaucratic systems.

"That’s the pattern worth examining," he said. "Not who these individuals were demographically, but what failed them and what failed the public before they ever picked up a weapon."

Pack pointed to what he described as a recurring "crossing point" — a moment when authorities, schools or families could have acted but didn’t, whether due to underfunded threat assessment teams, unused red flag laws or crisis hotlines that failed to connect callers with help.

"The answer lies in fixing the pipeline that keeps failing and that protects everybody," he said.

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Forensic psychiatrist Dr. Carole Lieberman said there are often identifiable psychological patterns that precede acts of mass violence.

"The shooter’s trajectory to mass violence begins with having had a dysfunctional childhood, where they were abused or neglected," Lieberman said. She added that many later become isolated or bullied, immerse themselves in violent media, abuse substances or develop a belief that "no one likes them," which can deepen resentment and hatred toward others.

In her view, the tipping point often comes after a destabilizing life event.

"After they sink ever deeper into their own world, a traumatic event occurs that sets them off — such as a rejection, a breakup, the death of someone they care about, being fired from a job or another sudden event that shakes up their world and causes them to believe ‘the time is now’ to punish others," she said.

Lieberman echoed concerns about missed intervention opportunities, saying warning signs are often visible long before violence occurs.

"The first potential intervention is from parents who notice that their child is displaying unusual behavior, such as retreating into a shell with grades going downhill," she said. "Unfortunately, too many times, even when a person is brought to a mental health professional, the depth of their mental problems is missed and they are not treated sufficiently."

She argued that stronger early-intervention systems in schools, including increased access to school psychologists and continued crisis counseling, could help identify at-risk students before they escalate.

"There needs to be intervention systems set up in schools to identify kids with problems early on," Lieberman said.

When asked about public discussion surrounding suspects’ gender identity in some recent cases, Lieberman said she believes identity-related distress may play a role for some individuals.

"There is an increasing trend for some mass shooters to be trans," she said, attributing that in certain cases to what she described as intense self-loathing and anger — a view disputed by LGBTQ advocacy groups who cite national data showing transgender perpetrators represent a fraction of overall mass shooting cases.

George Brauchler, the District Attorney for Colorado’s 23rd Judicial District who prosecuted the 2019 STEM School Highlands Ranch case, said the focus should remain on prevention — not politics.

"We must avoid sensationalism on each side of this issue and engage in a sober effort to assess if there are any common threads that precede mass casualty crimes," he said. "Victims yet-to-be deserve a sincere effort to minimize their numbers free of political posturing."

President Donald Trump will deliver his first official State of the Union address of his second term Tuesday night before a joint session of Congress at the Capitol, as viewers watch for viral moments and headline-grabbing exchanges like those that have defined past speeches.

Here are the top five moments from past State of the Union addresses.

It's become commonplace in recent years for presidents to acknowledge guests in the audience during SotU addresses, but President Ronald Reagan’s 1982 address was the first time the practice was rolled out. 

Reagan’s speech came just weeks after Air Florida Flight 90 crashed into Washington’s 14th Street Bridge over the Potomac River shortly after taking off in an accident that killed 78 people. 

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Three people survived the crash thanks to civilians on the ground who rushed to their aid, including Congressional Budget Office assistant Lenny Skutnik, who stripped off his shoes and clothes and dove into the frigid waters.

Reagan honored Skutnik in his speech, which made honoring people in the crowd a common theme in the years to come. 

"Just two weeks ago, in the midst of a terrible tragedy on the Potomac, we saw again the spirit of American heroism at its finest — the heroism of dedicated rescue workers saving crash victims from icy waters," Reagan said. "And we saw the heroism of one of our young government employees, Lenny Skutnik, who, when he saw a woman lose her grip on the helicopter line, dived into the water and dragged her to safety."

Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi sparked a social media firestorm and cemented herself in State of the Union infamy in February 2020 when she stood up and tore Trump’s speech into pieces after he had finished.

When Fox News asked Pelosi afterward why she did it, she responded, "Because it was the courteous thing to do considering the alternatives." She added, "I tore it up. I was trying to find one page with truth on it. I couldn't."

Pelosi’s outburst came on the heels of Trump’s first impeachment trial, which ended in a Senate acquittal the day after the speech.

"Speaker Pelosi just ripped up: One of our last surviving Tuskegee Airmen. The survival of a child born at 21 weeks. The mourning families of Rocky Jones and Kayla Mueller. A service member's reunion with his family. That's her legacy," the White House tweeted after Pelosi tore up the speech, referencing individuals who Trump mentioned during his address.

One of the most remembered moments from a State of the Union address came in 2009 when South Carolina Republican Rep. Joe Wilson interrupted President Barack Obama’s address, which at the time was far less common than it later became. 

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"There are also those who claim that our reform effort will insure illegal immigrants," Obama said, talking about his controversial Obamacare plan. "This, too, is false. The reforms I'm proposing would not apply to those who are here illegally."

"You lie!" Wilson shouted from his seat on the Republican side of the chamber, causing widespread yelling from other members in the audience.

Wilson later apologized to Obama’s chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel. 

"This evening, I let my emotions get the best of me when listening to the president's remarks regarding the coverage of illegal immigrants in the health care bill," Wilson said in a written statement. "While I disagree with the president's statement, my comments were inappropriate and regrettable. I extend sincere apologies to the president for this lack of civility."

"You put them in, 13 of them," GOP Rep. Lauren Boebert shouted at Biden as he talked about Afghanistan veterans who ended up in caskets due to exposure to toxic burn pits. Boebert was referencing the 13 U.S. service members killed during Biden’s chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021. 

Boebert was wearing an outfit that said "Drill Baby Drill" in opposition to Biden’s energy policies and her outburst drew some boos from the audience.

At another point, Boebert and Greene started chanting "build the wall" when Biden was talking about immigration. 

"Some of my Republican friends want to take the economy hostage — I get it — unless I agree to their economic plans," Biden said to Congress, prompting a shake of the head from then-GOP House Speaker Kevin McCarthy in the background and shouts from the crowd and shots of other Republicans shaking their heads. 

"Instead of making the wealthy pay their fair share, some Republicans, some Republicans, want Medicare and Social Security to sunset," Biden continued, which caused an even more pronounced shake of the head from McCarthy, who mouthed "no" as Republicans continued to jeer. 

"I’m not saying it’s the majority," Biden continued, which resulted in even more boos from the raucous crowd. 

"Let me give you — anybody who doubts it, contact my office. I’ll give you a copy — I’ll give you a copy of the proposal," Biden continued to say over increasingly louder shouting from the crowd. 

"That means Congress doesn’t vote — I’m glad to see — no, I tell you, I enjoy conversion," Biden said, apparently meaning to say "conversation."

Biden’s speech continued to devolve from there as Republican outrage interrupted him on multiple occasions. 

When Zohran Mamdani ran for mayor of New York City, he made one promise unmistakably clear: he would freeze the rent. Now that campaign tentpole is poised to collide with the complex economic factors exacerbating the Big Apple’s housing affordability crisis.

As his administration begins to take shape, that pledge, rooted in a democratic socialist vision of housing as a human right, is likely to be the first major political test for Mamdani. Supporters say it is an urgent lifeline for tenants battered by inflation and record rents. Critics warn it could destabilize the city’s fragile housing ecosystem, deepen building distress, and accelerate an exodus of small property owners.

"I have people walking away. I have two people selling their buildings right now. I have more people selling the buildings and leaving for Texas and Florida," Humberto Lopes, founder of the Gotham Housing Alliance, told Fox News Digital.

"People already came to me, and I have their buildings on the market already. Since January, my business in the real estate, I'm a licensed corporate broker, has doubled in the number of buildings we are selling."

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Lopes’ interview, among others, is part of Fox News Digital’s "The Rise of Socialism" series, which examines how socialist ideas and policies are increasingly shaping political debates and public policy in major cities across the United States.

Roughly one million apartments in New York City are rent-stabilized. A rent freeze would apply only to those units, holding annual increases at zero down from 3% for at least a year.

Tenant advocates argue the move is overdue. Median rents in Manhattan hover around $5,000 per month, a figure that Carlina Rivera, president and CEO of the New York State Association for Affordable Housing (NYSAFAH), concedes is "absurd" and increasingly unsustainable for working- and middle-class residents.

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Rivera supports voucher programs, such as CityFHEPS, which moved approximately 30,000 families from shelters into stable housing last year. About 135,000 New Yorkers rely on rental vouchers to remain in their homes. Even so, affordability pressures persist across boroughs.

Mamdani has framed the rent freeze as part of a broader affordability agenda that includes strengthening tenant protections, preventing homelessness, and accelerating housing production on vacant city-owned lots. His administration has signaled support for cutting red tape in environmental review and permitting processes, changes developers say could reduce costs by tens or even hundreds of thousands of dollars per project.

But landlords and property owners argue the freeze targets only part of the market while ignoring underlying financial realities.

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"It’s impossible to freeze rents when expenses to operate housing continue to rise," said Ann Korchak, board president of the Small Property Owners of New York (SPONY), in an interview with Fox News Digital. "Revenue, which is rent in housing, needs to rise to cover rising expenses."

Across interviews with housing providers, from nonprofit developers to small "mom-and-pop" landlords, a consistent theme has emerged: Operating costs are climbing rapidly.

Insurance premiums for residential properties have risen dramatically since 2019, in some cases more than doubling. Utility costs remain elevated. Property taxes — which often make up 40% to 50% of some small owners’ rent rolls — have increased steadily for years.

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Lopes says property taxes on some buildings are projected to rise between 15% and 40% this year. He revealed that one of his buildings' tax bills will jump from $68,000 to nearly $100,000 while allowable rent increases remain capped at a fraction of that yearly jump.

"Where do you think that money’s going to come from?" Lopes asked.

Landlord groups argue that freezing stabilized rents doesn’t eliminate costs, it redistributes them. In mixed buildings, they say, commercial tenants or market-rate renters may shoulder a greater burden. In others, maintenance and capital upgrades may be deferred.

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"If you freeze the rent-stabilized housing," Korchak said, "the commercial rents are going to have to continue to go up to make up for that shortfall, or the free-market tenants will have to pay higher rents."

Affordable housing developers express similar concerns. Rivera said operational stress in rent-stabilized buildings is no longer anecdotal.

"The data is out there as to how people are really struggling," Rivera said. "Operational costs are up in the double digits. And that would be hard for anybody to maintain."

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Rivera supports tenant protections and acknowledges affordability challenges but warns that layering on a rent freeze and higher property taxes could risk foreclosures or bankruptcies, a worst-case scenario she says would be "bad for the city, bad for business."

Mamdani and his allies frequently describe housing as a human right. Critics counter that in New York’s current system, housing is also overwhelmingly a private enterprise.

"When people say housing is a human right," Korchak said, "the reality is most housing in New York is provided by private owners. We are supporting the city through the property tax collection attached to every rental building."

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Property taxes fund schools, police, fire departments, and hospitals. If large swaths of housing were converted to social or nonprofit models, owners argue, the city would lose significant tax revenue unless replacement funding were found.

Jan Lee, a third-generation Chinatown property owner, fears what he sees as increasing hostility toward private ownership.

"If we keep pushing small property owners over this cliff, and we don’t give them the tools that they need to maintain their units, we’re just going to leave New York City," Lee said. "And tenants will be left with a 1-800 number to a corporate entity."

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Lee and others also reject rhetoric that characterizes landlords as exploitative, arguing that many are immigrants or children of immigrants who built intergenerational wealth through property ownership.

"I fear that a lot of the rhetoric that was out of the campaign trail to get votes is actually going to solidify and calcify into something that will reflect true socialism, true socialist views toward housing," he said.

"I think when you start to lump all of us together. And say that we're all the bad thing that's keeping people out of housing, that's racist. I think that saying that [people's] history should be denied and that everything about home ownership is related to White superiority, [that's] racist. You know, this denies the history of how New York City was built. And I, for one, don't agree with it," Lee continued, referencing comments made by Cea Weaver, Mamdani’s new director of the city Office to Protect Tenants.

Weaver and the mayor's office did not return Fox News Digital's request for comment.

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Those deeply embedded in New York City’s housing hub argue the current system has failed tenants for decades. They point to chronic underbuilding, restrictive zoning, and the 2019 Housing Stability and Tenant Protection Act, which strengthened rent regulations but, critics say, also limited incentives to renovate vacant stabilized units.

Tenant groups contend that rent stabilization has kept millions housed and that without intervention, market forces alone would push rents even higher.

Any conversation about socialism and housing in New York inevitably turns to NYCHA, the New York City Housing Authority, which houses nearly 400,000 residents. Long plagued by underfunding and deteriorating conditions, NYCHA stands as both a testament to large-scale public housing and a warning about chronic neglect.

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Rivera argues NYCHA should be treated like other essential infrastructure, akin to the MTA or public hospitals, with sustained investment and conversation rather than episodic crisis management.

"When you see the bad landlords in New York City and the conditions of some of these units, you certainly want to hold them accountable," she said. "When you look at NYCHA, who's the biggest landlord and arguably really responsible for some of the worst conditions, it's a really hard line to walk as to how do you hold an agency accountable in which the government is in charge of when there's also been decades of neglect."

Mamdani has signaled support for stronger public investment and faster housing production, including building on vacant city lots and streamlining bureaucratic processes. But even ambitious construction timelines would take years to materially increase supply.

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New York’s housing crisis was decades in the making. Vacancy rates hover near historic lows. Homelessness remains elevated. Insurance and construction costs are rising nationally. And political polarization has hardened.

A rent freeze may offer immediate relief to stabilized tenants. But its long-term impact will depend on whether it is accompanied by property-tax relief, subsidy expansion, faster production, or deeper structural changes.

For now, the city stands at a crossroads.

To Mamdani’s supporters, this moment represents a long-overdue correction. To critics, it risks repeating the fiscal and housing distress of the 1970s, when disinvestment and abandonment scarred neighborhoods across the five boroughs.

The outcome may determine not only whether New York becomes more affordable, but also what kind of city it chooses to be: one driven primarily by market incentives, or one increasingly shaped by a socialist vision of housing as a public good.

Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado did not mince words when talking about Democratic Rep. Jasmine Crockett, describing the Texas congresswoman as "radical" and "extreme."

On "Real Time with Bill Maher" Friday, Boebert joked about possibly endorsing Crockett while seated next to the Texas congresswoman’s rival for U.S. Senate.

"Maybe I should endorse Jasmine Crockett, so you could do a little better," she told Democratic Texas state Rep. James Talarico.

Among Texas voters, Crockett is currently running ahead of Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton, according to a recent statewide survey from Hart Research.

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However, Talarico’s campaign has surged in fundraising and media attention. He raised $2.5 million after CBS pulled his interview with late-night host Stephen Colbert over "equal time" rules for political candidates.

Instead, the interview was uploaded to YouTube on Tuesday and has since received more than 8.4 million views.

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On Wednesday, Crockett called the move to post Talarico’s interview online "good strategy" and something that probably gave him a "boost."

While Boebert began by congratulating Talarico on his success in the Democratic primary, she offered a pointed explanation.

"I do think that is why he and the Democrat portion of this primary is doing so well," Boebert said. "Because his opponent is so radical, so extreme. Just a false identity. Came from one place, pretends to be from another."

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After the congresswoman thanked Talarico for doing his best to defeat Crockett in the race, the Democrat pivoted to their united front.

"[Crockett] and I are friends, we serve together," he replied. "We do have different approaches to campaigning and politics, but we are both trying to fight 30 years of one-party rule in our state, which has led to the extremism and the corruption I was just talking about."

In both of his late-night appearances, Talarico spoke out against "Christian nationalism" and advocated for removing the 10 Commandments from public schools in the name of separation of church and state. 

Crockett has been criticized for her rhetoric against Republicans, including referring to their support for President Donald Trump as "loyalty to this...wannabe Hitler" in 2025.

Fox News Digital reached out to Crockett’s team, but did not immediately hear back.

On February 20, 2025, I had the honor of being confirmed as the Ninth Director of the FBI.

In that time, much has happened. Under President Donald Trump’s leadership, the FBI and our partners at the state, local and federal level have helped deliver one of the safest periods America has seen in decades.

When I sat before the Senate for my confirmation, I promised to refocus the FBI on its core mission: crush violent crime and defend the homeland, strengthen transparency and rebuild public trust. One year in, my team and I have worked every day to turn those words into action. We delivered historic results.

From 2024 to 2025, the FBI saw a 197% increase in arrests, from 34,000 to 67,000. We disrupted 1,800 gangs and criminal enterprises, a 210% increase. Agents seized more than 2,100 kilos of deadly fentanyl — enough to kill 150 million Americans — up 31%. That mission also extended overseas, where my trip to Beijing resulted in a historic agreement to shut off the flow of fentanyl precursor chemicals at the source, directly targeting the supply chains poisoning American communities. Arrests tied to Nihilistic Violent Extremism, including offenders who prey on children, rose 490%. More than 6,200 child victims were located, up 22%. Espionage arrests increased 35%. We captured six of the FBI’s Ten Most Wanted fugitives in one year — two more than the entirety of the prior administration — a group collectively on the run for more than 50 years, including Ryan Wedding. Nationwide, the murder rate fell by a record 20%, a level not seen in a century.

FBI VIOLENT CRIME ARRESTS DOUBLE IN TRUMP'S FIRST YEAR COMPARED TO BIDEN RECORD: 'MASSIVE STRIDES'

President Trump let good cops be cops while giving us the resources needed to execute the mission. The results speak for themselves.

But the success of this administration and this FBI goes well beyond the numbers. Over the last year, quiet but consequential transformations have taken place inside the Bureau — changes many Americans may never see on cable news or social media, but which have paid significant dividends.

From day one, we reoriented the FBI to meet modern threats with four clear priorities: Crush Violent Crime, Defend the Homeland, Restore Public Trust and enforce fierce organizational accountability. Under the prior administration, violent crime barely cracked the top ten FBI priorities. Today, it is a central focus, which is why violent crime arrests doubled to more than 30,000 in 2025.

Shifting resources to defending the homeland helped us capture some of the most wanted criminals in the world: Nicholas Maduro, wanted by the Department of Justice for narcoterrorism; Mohammad Sharifullah, an alleged key ISIS operative in the Abbey Gate suicide bombing in Kabul; and Zubayr Al-Bakoush, a key coconspirator in the 2012 Benghazi attack that killed four Americans: Chris Stevens, Sean Smith, Tyrone Woods, and Glen Doherty. We also disrupted and stopped three separate terror plots during the holiday season, preventing potential mass-casualty attacks and ensuring Americans could celebrate safely.

To restore transparency and oversight, we produced more than 40,000 pages of documents to Congress in our first year alone, a level of disclosure that represents more than double the combined document production of my predecessors.

We reduced the Bureau’s dependence on bloated Washington, D.C. bureaucracy and put safety and security resources back into Main Street America. We moved 1,000 agents out of the National Capital Region into field offices across the country, with 1,000 more intelligence and support personnel to follow this year. We also ignited the advanced training facility at Redstone Arsenal in Huntsville, Alabama, including the first-ever law enforcement counter-UAS training program.

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We restructured operations so that field offices no longer report through a single bottleneck at headquarters. Dividing offices into regional structures increased accountability and responsiveness to the public. We eliminated units that failed the mission, including the politicized CR-15 squad, removed personnel who acted unethically, and rebuilt leadership around results.

The FBI is now faster and more responsive, with a heavier focus on technology. We established the Director’s Strategic Information Center (DSIC), a fully overhauled information hub focused on proactive threat identification and 24/7 monitoring of critical incidents to dramatically improve response times. We also launched a Technology Working Group, led by Dan Bongino, to help strengthen national security infrastructure through artificial intelligence and enhanced biometric coordination with interagency partners. Rather than continuing a patchwork approach, we engaged private-sector partners to rebuild core systems and expanded the FBI’s leadership role in the National Counterintelligence Task Force to better coordinate efforts against hostile intelligence actors targeting the United States.

After decades of delay and excess, President Trump facilitated the deal to shut down the Hoover Building project. We canceled a minimum $5 billion taxpayer-funded plan that would not have opened for at least a decade and instead moved toward utilizing the existing Ronald Reagan Building, providing a safe and modern headquarters at a fraction of the cost to the American people.

Perhaps most importantly, we made it a top priority for field leaders to work hand in hand with state and local law enforcement. Last year, we created a series of Homeland Security Task Forces — historic partnerships with state officials focused on removing violent criminals from American streets. In Virginia, that effort resulted in nearly 600 arrests in just one month. We replicated this model in Memphis and Washington, D.C. under the President’s Task Force. In those two cities alone, violent crime is down 30%, while homicides are down nearly 70% in D.C. and 50% in Memphis. We also established the first-ever Law Enforcement Partner Engagement Council (LEPEC), giving local law enforcement a permanent seat at the table inside the FBI.

By the numbers, President Trump’s FBI delivered a record year. But the institutional changes implemented over the last year go far beyond statistics, arrests, or headlines. We have rebuilt and remade the FBI into an organization designed to better serve the American people and keep the country safer for decades to come, alongside our partners at the Department of Justice who continue to prosecute bad actors and hold them accountable.

As for us, we will continue to put the Mission First.

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Every four years, Americans of all backgrounds — Republican or Democrat, rich or poor, urban or rural — come together to cheer on the U.S. winter Olympic team. The 2026 Olympics in Milan are in full swing and Americans are once again coming together to cheer on our nation’s athletes who have worked their entire lives to reach the pinnacle of their sport.

For generations, Americans tuned in to the Olympic Games with pride, eager to cheer on fellow American patriots who competed not only for medals, but for the nation itself. Back then, every American loved and was proud of our country — regardless of political disagreements — because they understood what it means to be an American. 

Unfortunately, that seems to have changed today. I have been extremely disappointed to see some American athletes expressing "mixed emotions" about representing the United States in this year’s Olympic Games because of their views on politics and — you guessed it — President Donald Trump.

SANDERS CALLS OLYMPIC SKIER 'PROUD AMERICAN' DESPITE HAVING 'MIXED EMOTIONS' ABOUT REPRESENTING US

One freestyle skier recently suggested he was representing only his friends and family rather than the country as a whole. Another athlete referred to herself as "woke" and said it has been a "hard time" for the LGBTQ community under this administration. A few members of the USA women’s ice hockey team felt the need to weigh in on ICE officers enforcing the law and deporting criminals.

Throughout U.S. history, representing the United States meant something bigger than personal branding or selling the world on your personal political agenda. Since our nation’s founding 250 years ago, America has been a shining beacon of democracy, freedom and individual opportunity. The United States is a global leader when it comes to civil rights. If you work hard, you can achieve the American dream, no matter what you look like or where you come from. That spirit of gratitude and national pride once defined our Olympic athletes as well. 

Throughout the 20th century, American Olympians understood the enormous responsibility it is to represent the United States. In 1936, Jesse Owens stunned the world by winning four gold medals in track and field in Nazi Germany. He didn’t even have to speak — his actions on the field were a clear rebuke of the Nazi propaganda and disgusting racism happening in Germany at the time. That same year, the working-class boys on the University of Washington rowing team, immortalized as "The Boys in the Boat," defied the odds by capturing gold and once again demonstrated how putting your head down and working can sometimes send a stronger message than shouting into a microphone. 

Decades later, at the height of the Cold War, the 1980 U.S. men’s Olympic hockey team, comprised mostly of college students, defeated the seemingly unbeatable Soviet Union in what became known as the "Miracle on Ice." These young athletes were not motivated by wealth or personal fame. They played for love of country, love of sport, and the opportunity to represent the United States during one of the tensest periods in our nation’s history. I’m sure all of these young men didn’t agree on everything — but their shared patriotism brought them together on the ice. Their victory brought hope to millions of Americans and embodied what this country is all about: grit, determination, and hard work.

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Those moments are remembered not because of the medals won, but because of the intense patriotism displayed by the athletes who understood the responsibility of representing their country. They understood that stepping onto the Olympic stage meant carrying the hopes and pride of millions back home. They embraced the responsibilities and challenges that came with it and proudly wore the American uniform. 

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Today’s Olympians benefit from resources previous generations could only dream about. When I was growing up, the Olympics were for amateurs. But many of today’s Olympians are professionals who are blessed with elite training facilities, advanced sports science, college sports development pipelines, lucrative sponsorships and other financial incentives. The United States invests heavily in preparing our athletes for success, providing opportunities unmatched by most of the world. Despite all of these privileges, some of the U.S. Olympians on this year’s team seem to have forgotten what an enormous privilege it is to be an American.

Before I became a U.S. Senator, I spent nearly 40 years coaching. I used to tell my players this all the time: if you were lucky enough to be born in the United States, you have already won the lottery. But the only thing this country owes you is an opportunity. The rest is up to you. This is especially true for our Olympic athletes. Representing your country on the world stage is one of the highest honors in athletics. Getting to wear the red, white, and blue is a privilege, not a right.

If you aren’t proud to represent this country, you shouldn’t be on our Olympic team. If standing on the podium and hearing our national anthem blasted over the speakers doesn’t bring you to tears, you don’t deserve to wear our great flag. And if you hate this country so much, no one is stopping you from moving somewhere else. Americans will always celebrate athletic excellence. But what has historically made U.S. Olympians truly inspiring is their willingness to put personal differences aside and represent the values that make this country great. I hope to see a change in attitude from our U.S. Olympians, a renewed sense of pride in this country, and a return to the unity that once defined the American Olympic spirit. 

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM SEN TOMMY TUBERVILLE